Archive for the ·

Florida

· Category...

Will Privatizing Child Protection Protect Georgia’s Children? Yes and No.

no comments

uKnnT.Em.56

As Georgia prepares to follow in Florida’s footsteps in privatizing child protection services, there has been a lot of politicking but little talk about the real issues that lead to failures to protect children “in the system.”  Privatization in Florida has been a very mixed bag, with some counties improving their performance and other counties mired in scandals involving the private non-profit agencies hired to protect children.  It’s reasonable to expect that Georgia will fare a little better, but don’t expect the failure rate to drop — or rise — significantly.

The failures lie in policies enforced by the courts, and nobody is talking about reforming those policies.

Like Florida, Georgia plans to eventually privatize the services that come after an investigation has determined a child is in danger, namely: foster care, family “reunification” interventions, and adoption.  State workers will continue to be responsible for investigating abuse, and courts will still be responsible for deciding if a child should be removed from a home, returned to a home, or adopted.

Private agencies do a great job with adoption, and some of them do a better job than the state in supervising foster care.  Much of this care is already done through public-private partnerships in Georgia.  But in all the politicized talk about private versus public, little has been said about the real  problem with our child protection services.

The problem is the mandate to keep families together or achieve “reunification” as soon as possible.

Approximately a decade ago, many states began to move towards a model of keeping families together, no matter the cost.  Florida went further than Georgia, though it wasn’t an issue tied to privatization because that part of child protection is still performed by state agencies.

And now Florida is counting the bodies.

In an extraordinary report, the Miami Herald investigated the deaths of 477 children who  had prior contacts with child protection services.  477 — since just 2008.  The Herald makes a strong case for blaming the mandate for “family preservation” for many of those deaths:

They tumbled into canals and drowned, baked in furnace-like cars, were soaked in corrosive chemicals, incinerated, beaten mercilessly, and bounced off walls and concrete pavement. One was jammed into a cooler posthumously; others were wrapped like a mummy to silence their cries, flattened by a truck, overdosed and starved. An infant boy was flung from a moving car on an interstate. A 2-year-old girl was killed by her mom’s pet python.

The children were not just casualties of bad parenting, but of a deliberate shift in Florida child welfare policy. DCF leaders made a decision, nearly 10 years ago, to reduce by as much as half the number of children taken into state care, adopting a philosophy known as family preservation. They also, simultaneously, slashed services, monitoring and protections for the increased number of children left with their violent, neglectful, mentally ill or drug-addicted parents.

Public or private, the child protection system is dealing with multigenerational problems that are far more severe than most people realize.  It’s easy to criticize government social workers, or to lash out at efforts by private agencies.  The hard part is acknowledging that “family preservation” may be the wrong goal:

Rather than go to court to force parents to get treatment or counseling, the state often relied on “safety plans” — written promises by parents to sin no more. Many of the pledges carried no meaningful oversight. Children died — more than 80 of them — after their parents signed one or, in some cases, multiple safety plans.

• Parents were given repeated chances to shape up, and failed, and failed and failed again, and still kept their children. In at least 34 cases, children died after DCF had logged 10 or more reports to the agency’s abuse and neglect hotline. Six families had been the subject of at least 20 reports.

The decision to prioritize family unification was made by bureaucrats and politicians from across the political spectrum.  Liberals defend state agencies and argue that biological parents should receive as many resources as possible to keep their children; conservatives argue for the primacy of family and against state involvement.  Failure is bipartisan:

“It’s the system that’s broken. When numbers take over instead of outcomes for people, you are doomed to failure,” said James Harn, a 30-year law enforcement officer who spent his last nine years as a commander supervising child abuse investigators at the Broward Sheriff’s Office before leaving a year ago. “They want to keep families together, but at what cost?”

Prioritizing family preservation is just one policy error.  Others involve the increasingly hands-off attitude towards the family arrangements of women living on public services and the leniency granted to serial offenders in the courts.  
Social workers have had little power since the 1960′s to insist that women on welfare live alone with their children, rather than inviting a boyfriend, or a series of men into their state-subsidized homes.  These unattached men frequently abuse the children they are living with:

The night before Aaden Batista died, his killer played a baseball game on his Xbox, smoked marijuana and gave the toddler a bath.

As Aaden’s mother, Whitney Flower, worked as a medical assistant at a nearby hospital, Jason Padgett Sr. prepared the toddler for bed, putting on his diaper before, ultimately, viciously shaking him and slamming his head on the floor. . .

Aaden became part of the yearly count of children killed at the hands of paramours — child welfare’s oddly genteel term to describe boyfriends or girlfriends of custodial parents. Protecting children from abusive paramours is one of the great challenges facing the Department of Children & Families.

“Paramours are a huge red flag,” said Richard Gelles, dean of the School of Social Policy and Practice at the University of Pennsylvania, as well as chairman of child welfare at the school. “They are enormously over-represented as the slayers of young children.”

Under-prosecution and under-incarceration, especially for domestic violence, presents another problem.  Expect this problem to grow worse as “Right on Crime” Republicans, left and right-wing libertarians, leftists, and liberals join forces to shrink our criminal  justice system and empty the prisons.  Their political kumbaya moment is going to mean more violence, more crime, and more murders.   You need only peruse the Miami child death report to find evidence of hundreds of people who have been granted serial leniency in our allegedly-harsh justice system:

In the pre-dawn hours of May 5, 2009, Jasmine Bedwell had to make a decision: Take more blows or more chokes — but try to rescue her son from the clutches of her enraged boyfriend — or go find help. She left and borrowed a cellphone to call 911.

 
 
 

 

 

Timothy Alan Oates: Florida Under Gov. Bob Graham Let Another Child Rapist Free To Rape Again, Thank God for Registries

1 comment

. . . The bad old days.  This is Timothy Allen Oates:

In 1987, according to the Tampa Bay Times, he was sentenced to “27 years for ransom, attempted sexual battery on an adult and indecent assault on a child younger than 16.”  Actually it looks like it was ten years.

In any case, he was not supposed to be out of prison until 1997.  Or maybe 2014.  But he only served four years.  He got out in 1991, and guess what he did next?  He went back to prison for additional charges (and some of what may be the same charges).  In 1993, he was sentenced to 27 years and served ten years and nine months.  He got out a second time in 2004.

And then guess what he did next?  We don’t know the whole story, but last month he allegedly molested at least one child younger than 12 and took off for Washington State.

So why was he released in 1991, just a few years after being sentenced for multiple, violent sex crimes?  Why did he receive a sentence of 27 years in 1993 and get out a little more than ten years later?

In order to understand this case, you have to do a bit of digging.  Here is his record with the Department of Corrections.  This first block is the sentencing from 1987.  The second block is the sentencing from 1993.  The third block is the time he actually served in prison.  Look at the dates of the offenses — the 2/1/87 and 9/2/87 offenses appear in both sentencings.  The 5/18/86 charge was only part of the 1987 court decision, while a new 3/1/92 charge appears in 1993.  So my guess is that he was released VERY early for the first set of charges, then re-offended the minute he got out, then was re-sentenced on some crimes and given additional time for the new charges.

There are some other things to understand: he was 23 when he was first sentenced for this set of crimes.  So we don’t know if he had a juvenile record.  He was given a serious second chance, then he went right back into prison.  He got a third chance after his sentence was cut by more than 60%.  Now he’s been caught again.

This is what crime control was like in the 1980′s.  Things got better in the 1990′s, but not enough.  What does it take to put away a child rapist?  I’ll get back to you when we figure that out.

Thank God for sex crime registries.  Without registration, this guy would still be on the loose.  If only the media would mention that once in a while.

Prior Prison History: (Note: Data reflected covers periods of incarceration with the Florida Dept.of Corrections since January of 1983)
Offense Date Offense Sentence Date County Case No. Prison Sentence Length
05/18/1986 L/L, INDEC.ASLT CHILD U/16 09/29/1987 HILLSBOROUGH 8607334 10Y 0M 0D
05/18/1986 KIDNAP MINOR FOR RANSOM(ATTEMPTED) 09/29/1987 HILLSBOROUGH 8607334 10Y 0M 0D
09/02/1987 SEX BAT BY ADULT/VCTM LT 12(ATTEMPTED) 09/29/1987 HILLSBOROUGH 8711422 10Y 0M 0D
02/01/1987 SEX BAT BY ADULT/VCTM LT 12(ATTEMPTED) 09/29/1987 HILLSBOROUGH 8711423 10Y 0M 0D

Current Prison Sentence History:

Offense Date Offense Sentence Date County Case No. Prison Sentence Length
09/02/1987 SEX BAT BY ADULT/VCTM LT 12(ATTEMPTED) 03/11/1993 HILLSBOROUGH 8711422 27Y 0M 0D
02/01/1987 SEX BAT BY ADULT/VCTM LT 12(ATTEMPTED) 03/11/1993 HILLSBOROUGH 8711423 27Y 0M 0D
02/01/1987 SEX BAT BY ADULT/VCTM LT 12(ATTEMPTED) 03/11/1993 HILLSBOROUGH 8711423 27Y 0M 0D
03/01/1992 KIDNAP;COMM.OR FAC.FELONY 12/09/1993 PINELLAS 9206504 27Y 0M 0D
03/01/1992 L/L, INDEC.ASLT CHILD U/16 12/09/1993 PINELLAS 9206504 15Y 0M 0D

 

Incarceration History:
Date In-Custody Date Out-of-Custody
10/02/1987 11/27/1991
04/08/1993 01/01/2004

Tampa Mayor Bob Buckhorn: Apologize to Sarah Palin: Updated

8 comments

***Updated below***

Tampa Mayor Bob Buckhorn is quoted in the New York Times today sexually slurring Sarah Palin.

Tampa Mayor Bob Buckhorn

The mayor, who is about to represent the city in hosting the Republican National Convention, apparently finds it terribly amusing that a local strip club is featuring a Sarah Palin look-alike who will imitate the Governor while stripping and selling her body.

This is an act of sexual vandalism against Palin.  Apparently, the New York Times, the Tampa Tribune, and the mayor of Tampa find the degradation merely amusing.

“I wonder whether the look-alike will be able to see Russia from the stage,” the mayor snickered.  In the New York Times.

It’s hard to imagine more inappropriate behavior from the elected official who will welcome Republicans to the city.  In my opinion, he should step away from that job now.  How could he possibly greet Palin after abusing her this way?

The Times deserves censure, too (as does the Tampa Tribune, which ran an earlier, even sleazier version of the story).

Apparently all the Times’ posturing about the dignity of women and the “war on women” doesn’t extend to Republican women.  We’re just supposed to take this sort of stuff lying down:

Over at the back door of the 2001 Odyssey, a limo-size tent with flaps — especially designed for discretion and camera-shy guests — is ready to go up. Déjà Vu is welcoming extra “talent” from around the country in its V.I.P. rooms.

And Thee DollHouse is all Americana: women plan to slip out of red, white and blue corsets and offer red, white and blue vodka. The headliner that week is expected to bear an uncanny resemblance to a certain ex-governor from a wilderness state, known for her strong jaw and devotion to guns and God.

“She’s a dead ringer for her,” said Warren Colazzo, co-owner of Thee DollHouse. “It’s just a really good gimmick to get publicity.”

Here is Bob Buckhorn’s phone number.  Let him know how you feel about embarrassing the city, the RNC, and Governor Palin.  And let the Times and the Tampa Tribune know that they have crossed a serious ethical line by publishing such slimy stories.  Cheap political shots aren’t journalism.

Tampa Mayor Bob Buckhorn (813) 274-8251

New York Times Ombudsman Arthur S. Brisbane (212) 556-7652, public@nytimes.com

Tampa Tribune (813) 259-7711

~~~ 

***Update*** The Buckhorn/Palin story just got worse: Miami Herald political reporter Marc Caputo is sleazily bragging that the stripper “playing” Palin is the porn star paid by Hustler magazine to star as the Governor in a porn production with an unprintable title (way to go, Miami Herald, for printing it).  Hustler, Miami Herald — now, what’s the difference, again? 

To complain about Marc Caputo, e-mail the Herald’s Ombudsman at: ombudsman@miamiherald.com.  Ironically, the  paper’s ombudsman, Edward Schumacher-Matos, just wrote a column, “Looking for Ways to Tame Poisonous Words on the Web,” about commenters who are “venomous, profane and verge on being libelous.”  Schumater-Matos could start by weeding out such behavior in his own staff.

 

Radicals Coming to Tampa to Disrupt the RNC, Using Your Money . . . and Soros Grants

1 comment

The Republican Convention in Tampa is only a few weeks away.  The Occupy movement seems to be missing in action or washing their socks, but other activists are still preparing to disrupt the convention.  Teamsters, Welfare Rights groups, “Graduate Assistant” coalitions, the ‘new SDS’ and coalitions of subsidized professional agitators such as the Committee to Stop FBI Repression are making plans to descend on Tampa.

Last month, these activists used the taxpayer-funded facilities of the University of South Florida to plan their attack.  Why did USF President Judy Genshaft allow our property to be used by a bunch of radicals who are openly planning to disrupt an important political event and violate the speech and participation rights of ordinary Americans?

Here is a description of the protest planning that took place on taxpayer-funded property:

About 50 people from across the country gathered here June 16, on the University of South Florida campus, for the Coalition to March on the Republican National Convention Organizers Conference. There were representatives from more than 30 labor unions, student organizations, anti-war groups and immigrant rights groups from Florida, Minnesota, Illinois and North Carolina, including the Graduate Assistants United at the University of Florida, Students for a Democratic Society, the Committee to Stop FBI Repression, the United National Anti War Coalition, and Students Working for Equal Rights.

The conference focused on reaching out to groups and organizations opposed to the Republican agenda, in order to bring them to Tampa for the march. . .

Marisol Marquez and Fernando Figueroa, two of the lead Florida organizers for the Coalition to March on the RNC, facilitated a full schedule of workshops and planning sessions aimed at building for the march on August 27, the first day of the convention.

“The Coalition to March on the RNC is a group effort, in every sense of the word,” said Figueroa. “We’re hosting this conference so all of our coalition partners – workers, students, immigrants, and others – can build for this historic march in August behind a unified message and a cohesive organizing strategy.”

Mick Kelly, an organizer of the massive protest at the 2008 Republican Convention urged an all out national mobilization for the opening day of the RNC. Joe Iosbaker, a key organizer of May’s NATO Summit protest, summed up the key lessons of the Chicago demonstration. Tracy Molm of the Committee to Stop FBI Repression noted that the government would work to derail the planned protest. Angel Buechner, of the Twin Cites based Welfare Rights Committee stated that low-income people would join the Coalition’s march. . .

[O]n Friday, July 27, coalition partners will hold demonstrations, pickets and protests outside of local Republican Party headquarters or corporate sponsors of the Convention.

“The city of Tampa insists on restricting our right to protest the agenda of the Republican Party,” said Richard Blake, a member of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local 385 and organizer with the Coalition to March on the RNC. “

Aww, the Teamsters feel “silenced.”  When did the Teamsters start channeling an Oprah audience?  Jimmy Hoffa must be squirming in his grave, wherever that is.

Unfortunately, some city officials in Tampa Bay have been caving to the protesters and granting them special access to elected officials, access not available to the real residents who pay public officials’ salaries and foot the city’s bills.

Occupy Protesters are also coalitioning with the radical Food Not Bombs to protest the RNC.  Food Not Bombs is a group that ought to be watched closely: they operate as a front group, using the excuse that they’re  ”feeding vegan meals to the homeless” while they set up camps that serve as cover for radical activists.  FNB is packing up their seitan snacks and heading to Tampa Bay.  Don’t let the happy faces fool you:

Here is an interesting blog post from one local activist trying (and not exactly succeeding) to get involved in the “real” protest planning:

[D]elegations from St. Pete, Lakeland, Sarasota, Bradenton, and Tampa converged on Lykes Gaslight Park in downtown Tampa [June 4]. Occupy Tampa had felt a need to do some planning for the Republican National Convention (RNC) . . .  So far, I know of Resist The RNCOccupy The RNC, and March On The RNC, along with the official RNC itself. Within minutes of arriving at the Regional Gathering, I had gathered that although these separate groups are each coordinating strategy, tactics, and logistics for the RNC, they may not be coordinating with each other. And, at the moment, they are tight-lipped about their plans.

The activist writing this must not be not a member of the “in” group of radical protesters.  Interesting that the activists in charge are keeping such a tight lock-down on their real plans, concealing things from other activists who are trying to get involved in their events.  The blogger continues:

Upon our arrival, Food Not Bombs was on the scene serving a vegan lunch to all attendees. In Sarasota, the thoughtful Food Not Bombs crew has served the hungry during a number of the weekly Occupy rallies. I recognized Katie, who had been active with Occupy Tampa and is now volunteering with Food Not Bombs. I have met many people for whom the Occupy Movement has been a conduit, connecting their sense of injustice and disillusionment with a local activist group that stirs their passion. Like the Occupy Movement, Food Not Bombs is composed of volunteers who are dedicated to nonviolent, societal change. Like Occupy, each local group is autonomous. Like Occupy, there are no leaders and they involve everybody in the decision-making process. And like Occupy, Food Not Bombs supports protests organized by others. With that in mind, it is no surprise that they have decided to have an international convention in Tampa, during the week leading up to the RNC. Undoubtedly, there will be many more groups calling for a national march on the RNC.

Bull.  Food Not Bombs is actually planning a pre-RNC invasion, starting August 20.  They’re calling it VEGANPALOOZA, and it has nothing to do with really “feeding the poor.”  Instead, it will enable FNB to establish camps throughout Tampa and refuse to leave while glomming attention from partisan, naive, or headline-hungry media types.  And what happens when they refuse to stay inside the protest zones meticulously planned by the ACLU and Tampa government?

What, exactly, will happen with all that nice, friendly, egalitarian and inclusive “protest planning” being showered on the activists by our City Council?  The protesters will ignore it, like they do at every event where city officials give them an inch — or a mile.  It’s not about “free speech.”  It’s about disrupting an actually free and peaceful gathering — the Republican National Convention.

The Tampa City Council is setting itself up as a pasty.  They’re bending over backwards to please the ACLU and the National Lawyer’s Guild, as those groups act in bad faith with the city.  Of court they’re being abetted in this by the St. Petersburg Times (now Tampa Times).

It’s a vegan-based recipe for disaster.  Somebody in City Hall needs to remember who they really work for and start asking some hard questions about the deceptive tactics and “spontaneous” disruptions being planned by Food not Bombs and their peers.

The outsider-blogger continues:

I was not fully aware of the depth of activity nearby. Occupy Tampa is producing a TV show. Occupy Daytona has started a radio show. Occupy Tampa is starting a street theatre group. The OccupPlayers from Bradenton, who performed at the WSLR radio station in Sarasota a couple of months ago, is planning a performance in St. Pete and will make themselves available as requested by other locations. And for those holdouts who still like to read, there is an Occupied Tampa Tribune.

The General Assembly whipped through a number of proposals. All attained consensus, but one. The Tampa Region stands in solidarity with the student protesters in Quebec. The Tampa Region will hold a General Assembly at different locations, every two weeks, until the RNC. A most interesting proposal was brought forward to put out a National Call To Action Against Bain Capital. The actions would take place all over the country on the day Mitt Romney accepts the Republican presidential nomination. There is something almost romantic about this idea. Romney continues to receive a passive profit share and interest in Bain Capital investment funds. Bain Capital always made a profit even when the companies they bought went under, even when many workers lost their jobs, their pensions, and their healthcare. Such vulture capitalism is the poster child for what’s wrong with how our economic system functions. What better time to highlight these cold deficiencies than on the day of Romney’s acceptance speech.

A recurring concern voiced at the Gathering was dwindling participation. Leslie from Occupy Tampa was curious and concerned about attendance at other Occupations. A local religious leader made a plea for presenting a clear and constant message about the profound issues of economic inequality. He is hoping for a format that will draw people in and get them involved. Jason, who is from Tallahasse but has been staying with Occupy Tampa for the last month, threw out a concrete suggestion to the General Assembly. How about renting a truck, covering it with sheets, projecting messages onto it, and driving through Ybor City on a Friday night. Go to where the people are and make a bold statement. Leslie volunteered to coordinate outreach efforts to help bring more people out to participate.

Soon after the General Assembly came to a close, folks made signs and marched around downtown in solidarity with the Quebec students. Students there had called for a tuition freeze. Nightly protests consisted of clanging noisy pots and pans in the streets. The students wore red felt squares to symbolize being financially in the red, crushed by debt. In Canada, as in the United States, tuition hikes are leading to increasing student debt. Even after almost 100 nights of protest, the students hadn’t garnered much community support. But, when the government passed emergency legislation to limit students’ right to assemble and protest, thousands of community members flooded the streets in support. As I understand it, the strike by the Quebec students is the longest and largest student protest in Canadian history. And yet their debt is small potatoes when compared with the $1 trillion in debt taken on by college students in the United States. In addition to marching in solidarity with Quebec students, folks here are motivated by the spiraling student debt in the United States. A jubilant procession from the Tampa Regional Gathering marched through downtown, banging pots and pans and wearing red felt squares.

Oh yeah.  And possibly doing this.

Welcome to Tampa, kiddies.  It’s going to hot in those balaclavas, though:

 

I previously wrote about what is coming to Tampa, here.  In upcoming weeks I will detail the ways some elected officials are selling us out to the protesters.  Meanwhile, it’s time to send the city a polite but firm message: we don’t want to have to pay for anti-social radicals to have air-conditioned public facilities to plan their attack on the city.

We’re already paying enough, getting ready to prevent them from causing chaos in the street — or worse.  And why should we have to pay for this?  Why aren’t the groups listed above being sent the bill?

 

 

Today, Seattle: Tomorrow, Tampa. Or, It’s Not Registered Gun Owners Mayor Buckhorn Should be Complaining About.

3 comments

While the Tampa City Council and camera-hungry Mayor Bob Buckhorn eagerly grandstand (with the aid of the MSM, of course) about the non-issue of legally registered gun-owners having their weapons with them during the Republican National Convention, take a good look at the types of problems they’re refusing to confront: violent Occupy/black bloc/anarchist thugs destroying businesses in Seattle Tuesday — and sure to be on their way to Tampa for the Republican Convention in August:

Watch the video here.  It’s disturbing. (someday, I’ll learn to imbed YouTube videos as well as the average 8-year old): wYT82Fec3cQ

Where, you might ask, are the Seattle police?  Well, spineless Seattle Mayor Mike McGinn probably reined them in, afraid that any response to these destructive thugs would turn into accusations of “police brutality” and the inevitable lawsuits.  At 2:23 in the video, the police show up . . . on bicycles.  How would you like that to be your son or daughter, wading into a hostile, club-wielding mob on a bicycle because the mayor wants to placate . . . the hostile, club-wielding mob?

Seattle Mayor McGinn.  Don’t bother shaving or anything, dude.

So businesspeople trying to make a living in Seattle are left to the mercy of the mob while the Mayor placates the looters.  Note the number of businesses that already have plexiglass or covered windows because of previous riots.  Taxpayers who pay extra to have storefronts in downtown Seattle?  Screw ‘em.  Elected officials there have decided it’s worth risking the lives of their police and the safety of their citizens and the profitability of their business class — all to score brownie points with a bunch of inarticulate, screaming animals who will not only not be placated, but will be empowered by the Mayor’s impotent “gesture.”

Of course, Mayor McGinn gets a taxpayer-funded security detail.  The employees at that Niketown store being mobbed by thugs?  Not so much.  And when the store closes because its evil corporate overlords decide that it’s just not worth doing business in a place where elected officials privilege thugs over decent, ordinary citizens and businesspeople, those employees won’t have jobs, either.

I have a lot of faith in the Tampa and Hillsborough County police forces, and in the Chief of Police and the Sheriff.  But Mayor Buckhorn and some members of the Tampa City Council are beclowning themselves — on our dime — with hysteria over registered guns and other non-issues, while pandering to the wishes of the ACLU, which apparently has a direct line to the Mayor that ordinary, taxpaying citizens lack:

City officials met last week with the American Civil Liberties Union about “an exhaustive list of things” the ACLU thinks impinge on protesters’ First Amendment rights, said Joyce Hamilton Henry, director of the ACLU’s Tampa office. ”The city was very receptive,” Hamilton Henry said.

How nice.  Now it’s time for Mayor Buckhorn to stop playing games and get serious.

Tampa Mayor Bob Buckhorn.  On a Segway.  What is it with Mayors and Segways?

~~~~

Because, these people . . .

. . . are coming to Tampa for the Convention.  And if I owned a business in the protest zone and had to shut down for a week, or shell out money for new windows, or security guards, or worry about my employees getting to and from their cars — I’d be mightily pissed off watching Mayor  Buckhorn preen for the national press over his registered-guns hobbyhorse.  I’m outside the city limits, and believe me, Bob, such feelings — and business interests — don’t stop at the train tracks.

Speaking of pissed, here’s the reason they’re banning squirt-guns at the convention:

Bottles of Human Waste for NATO Protesters to Throw on Chicago Cops

From Second City Cop, a blog out of Chicago:

This is part or the whole of an extensive stash of bottles recovered in the 010th District the other day. All filled with human waste and no doubt whatever extra fecal matter the ne’er-do-wells were able to pick up on the parkways. Counts range from 100 to 500 bottles recovered depending on the rumor you believe.  We’re sure this isn’t the only stash floating around out there. How about the Department try something novel and get the media to cover what the protestors and anarchists are planning and maybe get the public overwhelmingly on our side?

Good question, as usual, from SCC.  Someone should ask Tampa Mayor Buckhorn the same.  He could have gotten behind his city’s police officers, and gotten out in front of this, and explained the squirt-gun ban to the public, but that might have cut into his gold-plated national media tantrum.  So he said this, instead, and his pals at the Tampa Times let him get away with it.  Without, like, asking any hard questions:

“The absurdity of banning squirt guns but not being able to do anything about real guns is patently obvious,” Buckhorn said.

In other words, why behave responsibly when you can glom a few moments scoring political points on the national news — after all, what’s a few cops being doused with urine and feces (and urine mixed with bleach, and battery acid, and other silly protester stuff?)

By the way, the allegedly peaceful Tampa Coalition to March on the RNC has already issued a declaration that they stand by “diversity of tactics.”  This means, specifically, that they are rolling out the welcome mat for black bloc/anarchist and other violent protest.

So, did the mayor ask any questions about this the last time he chummily confabbed with the protesters’ lawyers at the ACLU?  

Did anyone in the media bother to ask him why not?  

Nope.  They were too busy featuring giggly thingies like this, who think it’s hilarious to mock security efforts designed to keep all of us safe — conventioneers, protesters, business owners, but most especially the police, who will be the ones dealing with the thugs — that is, when they aren’t busy arresting this woman again, when she probably ought to be at her desk at work — working for the taxpayers who employ her, that is . . .

Arrested Occupy Protester, AFSCME Union Rep, Public Employee: Your Tax Dollars at Work

So long as Mayor Buckhorn and his echo chamber at the Tampa Bay (formerly St. Pete) Times keep attacking law-abiding gun owners instead of the anarchists and Food-not-Bombs lunatics and their black bloc “diversity of tactics” peers, our brave cops can expect to be soaked with human waste; business owners can expect to be cleaning up broken glass and laying off workers, and the rest of us can expect to be footing the bill for the mayor’s pre-emptive lack of spine.  As a taxpayer, I keep expecting something something different.  But I know that’s just a personality flaw.

 

 

Occupiers Demonstrate . . . What’s Wrong With Self-Esteem Education

8 comments

Occupy Protesters are laying the groundwork to create chaos in Tampa during the Republican National Convention in August.

Tampa residents need to be aware of the ways these professional activists are costing us money.  Frivolous confrontations and false accusations against the police are just the first items on the price tag for their planned temper tantrum.  I hope the city and the county show the gumption to send the bill to these activists.  The Occupiers are raising plenty of money: the fact that they’re keeping their books like some money-laundering pizzaria shouldn’t let them off the dough hook (I can say this because I once worked at a money-laundering pizzaria).  Elected officials owe it to taxpayers to sue the non-profit entities through which these protesters are collecting donations.

They aren’t the least bit hard to find.

In Tampa, the first wasteful Occupy courtroom confrontation involves activists Alicia Dion and Kevin Flynn.  Flynn and Dion claim that they weren’t given “adequate notice” before being removed from a park where they were trespassing, and they also claim that the signs stating park hours weren’t clear to them.

Essentially, their legal argument boils down to insisting that they are irresponsible and incompetent.  Their defense to a trespassing charge is that they’re not good at understanding time or reading signage.

I’ll give them that.  It’s actually a perfect expression of the types of complaints fueling the Occupy Movement. Any parent of a two-year old knows this look:

Dion and Flynn: Watch out, here comes the howling!

 

But there’s a less funny side to the antics of the professional activist class. Two deliberate strategies guide this and all other Occupy actions:

  • take public land and claim it for private use
  • persecute the police

Dion and Flynn were part of a planned assault on the taxpayers of Hillsborough County and false accusations against the police.  They lied in court when they said they didn’t have adequate notice for clearing out of the park, and they lied about the police’s actions:

Dion and her boyfriend, Kevin Flynn, 33, were among a small group of Occupy Tampa protesters who tested the city prohibition on Nov. 7. City parks are closed from sunset to sunrise, except during special events. At midnight, the protesters refused three warnings from police to leave the park. Police said the warnings took about a minute.

Get it?  They didn’t “not know” or “not receive warning.”  They carefully orchestrated a confrontation, and then they lied about it in court.

Those lies matter, particularly the ones about the police, because they serve as justification for all the acts of violence and abuse perpetrated by Occupy protesters against the police.  Make no mistake about it: they are trying to use the courts, right now, to lay the groundwork for chaos and lawsuits later.

Tampa residents need to educate themselves about Occupy tactics, call their representatives, and make sure we’re not left paying the tab for these goons:

Rapes, Murders at Occupy Camps: http://www.breitbart.com/Big-Journalism/2012/02/29/media-shift-blame-and-frame-strategy-for-occupy

Occupiers Dump Feces and Urine

Occupiers Taunt Police, Intimidate Journalists, Disrupt Commerce

Occupiers Attack Police in Atlanta

Occupiers Urinate on Cross, Throw Bibles

Occupiers Riot, Break Windows, Shouting “F*** The Police”

and this . . .

Occupiers Demonstrate . . . What’s Wrong With Self-Esteem Education

I blame most of this on Free to Be You and Me

There’s something very disturbing about adults behaving like babies, and throwing tantrums on the street, and lying in court, and claiming persecution, persecution, persecution when they are the real persecutors.  We should be disturbed and remember that the police represent our interests.  They are us; they’re the ones putting themselves between us and the protesters, who have bad intentions and are lying about that, too.

On the bright side, the Republican National Convention is going to be held in Florida in Late August.  The 99% that actually matters will probably be 99 degrees with 99% humidity.  Fox News might have to set up watering stations for the protesters out of sheer compassion . . . or Mother Nature may be the one clearing the streets.

 

There’s Nothing “Senseless” About Nicholas Lindsey’s Killing of Police Officer David S. Crawford

2 comments

The St. Pete Times (now Tampa Bay Times) has run its latest sob story** about an accused killer, this one Nicholas Lindsey.  True to form, the Times announces in its headline that it will explore why life unravelled for the St. Petersburg teen.

There is the usual objection to be made about such stories.  The reporting is all about the killer’s alleged good qualities, and the reporters work hard to diminish the killer’s responsibility, even though doing so crudely diminishes the value of the murdered police officer’s life.  Buying a Pepsi for a teacher is presented as mitigation against murdering a good man in cold blood.  In the past, I’ve had reporters from that paper tell me they believe they are being “balanced” in their reporting by telling the sob story of the murderer one day and the life story of the murder victim the next, as if doing so balances some ethical scale.

And so, the brute known as mawkish sentimentality strangles moral perspective at her rickety desk in the darkest corner of newsroom.

But even if one sets the lack-of-human-decency objection aside, the reporters still failed.  They failed to explore what they claim to have set out to explore, which is the alleged “unravelling” of Nicholas Lindsey’s life.  The young man committed other serious crimes and apparently faced no consequences for them, but the reporters don’t want to talk about this, so they shove it away quickly, as if it is irrelevant.  In doing so, they deny the very thing they claim to be seeking: the reason why Lindsey went so wrong so young.

Nicholas Lindsey had already been caught and arrested, found guilty, and allowed to walk out of some courthouse laughing over prior crimes.  His father and brother, too, served time.  This ought to be the beginning, middle, and end of the search to explain Lindsey’s escalation to cop-killing, but the reporters do not linger on the subject.  Why?  Have they internalized anti-incarceration biases to the point that they actually believe his prior record is irrelevant?   Or are they that afraid of ruffling the feathers of those who control the anti-incarceration message by shouting “prejudice” when anyone broaches the subject?

Either way, the prior crimes are brushed over, and the “unravelling” is presented as a “mystery” and also a “surprise.”  This is a complete fabrication.  There is no mystery.  There is no surprise.  The reporters scurry away from the facts, tumbling over themselves to reach the only acceptable meme, the “too many minority youths are incarcerated” meme.  Here is the story they must tell, the only story they allow themselves to tell: the prior arrests are irrelevant because punishing the youth for them would have been prejudiced; “gang life” has simply “changed” an otherwise decent young man; the young man is not really responsible for the murder he committed because he is a decent young man, only changed by gang life; more money spent on more social programs for youths who commit crimes is the only answer: thus the only real villain is anyone who refuses to throw more money at youth programs in St. Petersburg . . . a city that already has more youth programs than cockroaches.  Yet young black men keep killing each other and innocents who cross their paths.

There is a great deal of money to be had in this view, and real danger in questioning it.  There is, in fact, a virtually unlimited amount of money to be had in this view, for every time a young person commits a crime, that crime may be used as evidence of the need for more “programs,” which keep bad kids out of jail to commit more crimes, thus increasing the need for more programs.  The alternative — arguing that a youth who steals a car ought to go to jail so he learns his lesson if he is capable of learning a lesson — is virulently attacked as pure racism by the anointed experts who populate every university and law school, federal agency, and editorial board.  Who wants to risk that?

Here’s a question: what comes first, the social program or the teen murderer?

This is less a journalism problem than an “experts” problem.  The journalists just carry the experts’ water.  And so, after closing their eyes to the only real clue and tiptoeing cautiously around the other taboo — assigning blame to the killer’s drug-selling, absentee dad — the St. Pete Times reporters are left with nothing but an embarrassing handful of anecdotes about a violent young man’s paltry virtues: a soda purchased for someone, Lindsey not screaming at a teacher in detention once, an ex-girlfriend who has a mother who is eager to insert herself into the news.  The reporters talk about the killer being a “shy wisp” of a boy and bemoan the “fuzz” just “starting to grow” on his face.  This is repugnant stuff, but it’s all they’ve got because they won’t ask the real questions.

Here are the questions they refuse to ask: who is the judge who let Lindsey walk on previous serious crimes?  How many other youths who walked out his or her courtroom committed more crimes, destroying their lives and others’?  What can be done about it?  Who in our justice system bears responsibility for the legal decisions that enabled Lindsey to be free to commit more crimes?

And this: if Lindsey’s parents were so worried about their son’s involvement in gangs, what, precisely, did they do when he was previously arrested?  Why did they let him advertise his gang connections on Facebook?  Why didn’t they move away from the apartment complex which, allegedly, as the reporters choose to assert as undeniable fact, was the sole source of Lindsey’s transformation into a murderous gang-banger?

If the bar to acceptable behavior is set so low in Lindsey’s community that multiple car thefts aren’t taken seriously, then somebody decided it would be so.  Members of that community who really want change should be protesting outside the courthouse, demanding that judges and prosecutors save young men’s lives by throwing the book at them the first time, and every time they break the law.  They should be sitting alongside the police, who are attending Lindsey’s trial in street clothes because they are not allowed to wear their uniforms, lest doing so deprives the murderer of every little drop of the sympathy the activists deem as his portion.

I know there are people in that community who want to support law enforcement and want to do it out of love for the children who grow up to be Nicholas Lindseys.  I’ve worked in communities like the one that produced Nicholas Lindsey and met those people.  But they are silenced by wealthy and powerful anti-incarceration activists, people who don’t live in or visit such places.  The good people trapped in bad neighborhoods will never be heard so long as the elite activist class — and their eager water-carriers in the media — continue to silence them.  More Officer Crawfords will be murdered as a result, and more Nicholas Lindseys will live their ruined lives behind bars.

But the activists and the reporters will feel virtuous.  And isn’t that all that really counts?

 

 

**bad link, try: http://www.tampabay.com/news/publicsafety/crime/article1220622.ece, or: At 16, Life Unravels for St. Petersburg Teen Accused of Killing Police Officer

Catholic Bishops and British “Journalist” Robert Waterhouse Attack the Victims of Robert Waterhouse

13 comments

(Hat tip to Max)

Vicious two-time (at least) murderer and rapist-torturer Robert Waterhouse was put to death in Florida last week.  He took his first life 45 years ago.  To say merely that the wheels of justice move slowly is a repugnant understatement in this case.

Robert Waterhouse, executed in Florida 45 years after his first known murder, having a bit of fun with the press

Waterhouse’s first known murder occurred in 1966, when just offing some woman didn’t matter too much to the new crop of criminal fetishists playing sociologist beneath their black robes (let’s not forget to thank the denizens of that blood-drenched punchline called the New York State Parole Commission).  The victim was 77.  Waterhouse raped and strangled her: he tortured an innocent elderly woman to death.  But luckily for him, he did it in a state and at a time when such things just didn’t matter.

Such an act, and the subsequent early release of Waterman wasn’t considered injustice, just another run-of-the-mill rape/torture/murder/leniency in a city busy channeling William Kunstler’s ethical priorities.  Waterhouse got life, but New York State cut him loose after only seven years.  Seven years for the torture, violation, and murder of a defenseless, elderly woman.

Back in such bad old days (that many in our current justice system are trying to recreate), seven years was a typical sentence for this:

77-year-old widow Ella Mae Carter of 39 Washington Ave., Greenport, died of strangulation. She had been brutally beaten; 14 of her ribs were fractured. Teeth marks were found under her right breast. Police said there was evidence of rape, although that charge was never brought against him.

Life, reduced to seven years.  Too bad it wasn’t what we now call “hate crime” since he just did those things to a woman — then somebody might have actually cared, or might care about Ella Mae Carter today.  Waterhouse just slaughtered an old lady — not the sort of thing AG Attorney Holder gets excited about as he scrolls back through history seeking the right types of indignities and injustice to justify his current policies.  Nor was Ella Mae Carter’s murder the sort of thing activists take up as a decades-long cause.   They took up Waterhouse as their cause instead, of course, costing the rest of us millions, I imagine, in ensuing years.

Nor was Mrs. Carter’s murder the sort of thing that gets people like NYC Council Speaker Christine Quinn screeching in front of cameras.  If anyone could prove the 77-year old victim had been gay, well, then, that would be a different story.  Then she wouldn’t be forgotten: she would be memorialized.  Books would be written.  Teaching Tolerance classroom syllabi would be scribed in her memory and imposed on young children.  What she endured would be held forth as proof of something bad, instead of being merely an inconvenient reminder of things the social justice industry want us to forget today: that killers aren’t victims; that victims don’t matter to them unless they fit certain political agendas.

Perhaps, had she been water-boarded at some point between the raping and the strangling, Code Pink would be roused to crudely crayon some signs to wave at Waterhouse’s execution, remembering the torture victim.

The hundreds of thousands of murders that occurred during the crime wave of 1965 – 1995 simply aren’t the types of injustice about which PBS makes solemn documentaries.  Some people simply matter more to the activist classes.  Some torture is outrage: other torture is just an excusable expression of the childhood pain of the torturer, who needs to be rehabilitated and “re-entered” into society.  Some injustice burns brightly decades, generations later; other injustice is swept under the nearest available carpet.

This has been the case for half a century now.  So nobody cared when Waterhouse got cut loose in the early 1970′s.  Certainly not the Kunstler types who were insinuating themselves at every level of the criminal justice system, in service to the criminals.  Few even cared when, a decade later, Waterhouse killed Deborah Kammerer after raping and torturing her.  Her body was found on a St. Petersburg beach.  Her anus had been brutalized.  She fought back, hard, before being drowned in the surf:

Teeth broken. Nose broken. Eyes swollen. She had been sexually mutilated with a bottle. She had a bloody tampon jammed down her throat. Wounds on her fingers suggested she tried to fight back. She didn’t die until she drowned.

Here is another description of the type of torture you never find puffed over by cultural elites like Susan Sontag in the New York Review of Books, et al:

Ms. Kammerer, who was described in news reports as “blonde,” petite, a bar-hopper and a (former) date of Waterhouse,” was found nude, lying face down in the mud flats next to Tampa Bay the following morning. A description in the March 12, 1985, edition of the St. Petersburg Times stated: “(Ms. Kammerer) had drowned, but not before her 5-foot-2, 90-pound body was repeatedly violated…

“According to the medical examiner, Ms. Kammerer took 22 blows to the head, some from a tire iron. Her nose was broken in three places, teeth were cracked, eyes swollen, neck choked, back bruised. She was raped. There were extensive cuts in her rectum, where a bottle was forced. A blood-stained tampon was jammed in her throat.”

Well that certainly sounds like the type of case that brings legal activists like Steven Bright lapping at the door. The jailhouse door, that is, to make a hero of the tooth-smasher, anus raper, woman strangler.  And lap he did, along with scores of other excited anti-death penalty attorneys and one buffoonish British “journalist” who discovered he shared the same name with a rapist-killer, and, on such stimulating grounds, inserted himself in the case.  Can you imagine anything more puerile and egocentric?  Anything more indulgently-dining-outish?  I suppose I lack imagination.

The other Robert Waterhouse: Guardian writer shares the name of a rapist-killer!

In recent media, the other Robert Waterhouse describes his fun times with his murderer-pal while systematically concealing the facts that convicted the murderer.  In The Guardian, of course.  What a distasteful, attention hungry little man, trampling on raped and murdered women to puff himself up.  To indulge . . . a hobby.  His writing illuminates an ugly impulse driving many journalists: he seems aroused by the fantasy of experiencing the “suffering” of the killer on death row; he identifies with the inflictor of torture so transparently that one must wonder how much time he spends strolling like a dirty flåneur in his mind through the details of the murders themselves.

Projected self-pity is such a noxious modern sin.

In his journalism, Waterhouse utterly misrepresents nearly every detail of the legal narrative, leaving out things like the evidence.  For his sake, one can only hope the subjective bits about his own feelings are equally inaccurate, or else he really is an embarrassing specimen:

My friendship with Robert started formally in early February 2001 when I interviewed him at Union Correctional Institution, Raiford. My presence there as a journalist ensured that we met with a screen between us. He was in cuffs and leg-irons. I would get to know him later as a friend in the more relaxed setting of the contact-meeting room nearby, where up to 20 inmates at a time receive approved visitors. But the press interview emphasized our wholly different positions, something that spurs me when I feel the need to be reminded.

I did eventually publish an article in the weekend edition of the London Financial Times. By that time I had met Robert on three further occasions. I spent four weeks last summer investigating his case in St. Petersburg while visiting at weekends, preceded by a few days on Long Island, New York, where Robert was born and grew up, and where he pleaded guilty to a second-degree murder charge in 1966 [Oh, let's not go into that messy thing, shall we?  Ruins the ambiance.]

He was then only 19. He spent the next nine years or so [simple math, Bob] in Auburn State Prison before being released on life parole, drifting from Long Island to Louisiana and eventually, in 1978, to Florida where he went to live with his aunt and uncle, the people who had raised him from the age of six months and had retired to St. Petersburg.

Robert has always insisted on his innocence of the St. Petersburg murder. A few months back, he wrote his account of the events of January 2-3 1980, the night Deborah Kammerer was murdered, for Justice Denied Magazine. I have questioned him closely on this account. He has stuck to his story, and I am not in a position to say I don’t believe him [translation: I know he's guilty but lack the spine to admit it.] So, in writing about his case, I intend to concentrate not on guilt or innocence but on the wrongs I believe he suffered before and after his arrest on January 9 1980. These alone, I suggest, make up a prima facie example of justice denied.

Let’s start by setting the scene. St. Petersburg, or St. Pete, is a low-density conurbation of some 238,000 souls on the west side of Tampa Bay. Its downtown area faces the bay with a few skyscrapers and a famous pier. The town straddles an isthmus between the bay and the Gulf of Mexico. On the gulf side, a string of resorts beside golden sands with names like Treasure Island and Madeira Beach. It’s a sub-tropical retirement haven, which in 1980 also attracted an easy-going, pot-smoking set of drifters [sic] Deborah Kammerer and Robert Waterhouse were among them.

They knew each other. They had smoked dope together and had made love three or four times. Debbie (as everyone called her) was a divorcée whose ex-husband and children were back in Indiana. She was a slight (90 pounds) fair-haired woman. Robert, on the other hand was, at 6ft 2in and 220 pounds, dark-haired and bearded, a strong, flashy 33-year-old determined to enjoy himself after spending most of his twenties behind bars [For torturing an elderly woman to death.  But, whatever.]. He had a string of drinking companions and women admirers.

[Here's the part where Waterhouse leaves out Waterhouse's other crimes, including an attempted double murder for which he wasn't punished.  Details, details.  What a hack.]

One of the places they met was the ABC Lounge on 4th Avenue North and 35th Street North. It was from here that Deborah Kammerer left in the early hours of January 3, probably with the person who murdered her. She was discovered head down in the shallow muddy water of Tampa Bay at Lansing Park beside Beach Drive South East at 19th Avenue SE the next morning by a resident walking his dog. She was naked, had been hit viciously around the head many times, raped and otherwise violated. The autopsy concluded she had been alive when dumped in the water.

Robert, who had also been in the lounge the previous evening, contends that he did not speak to Debbie on that occasion. She was at the main bar with friends; he was in a side bar meeting someone who was to sell him some pot. He says he left early to do the deal, and only returned to drop off his contact. But a barmaid claimed she had seen Robert and Debbie sitting, drinking and leaving together (this was not corroborated by Debbie’s friends). However, that evidence and blood traces in his car which matched her blood type was enough, in a circumstantial case, to convict him.

Just three days after the murder, before Deborah Kammerer herself had been identified, Robert was put under police surveillance following an anonymous phone call. The caller identified his car tag, indicating that all the evidence needed was in the vehicle.

Two days later Robert was pulled over by police cruisers as he left another St Petersburg club. His driver’s license was taken from him. He was told he could only get it back by accompanying police to the police station. There, he was questioned but not arrested. He was free to leave. However, his car must stay. A search warrant issued the next morning for the car led to a warrant for his arrest on January 9. The police, and the district attorney, were sure they had their man.

So the police hit the jackpot when, prompted by the mystery caller, they found that the registered owner of the 1973 Plymouth Satellite was none other than Robert Waterhouse, on life parole for a previous murder. Or was it the other way round? Did they concoct the call to match the profile? The caller was alleged to be a middle-aged male with a New York or New England accent. Robert’s uncle Chet Foster and “family friend” Ken Norwood both fitted the bill, but both denied involvement.

In pre-trial suppression hearings of August 1980, Robert’s court-appointed attorneys, Paul Scherer and John Thor White, moved to strike evidence found in the car as inadmissible because they claimed Robert had been unlawfully detained when made to take his vehicle to the police station. They also moved to strike damning statements taken in a police station interview of January 10 not in the presence of a defense attorney, even though the Pinellas County Public Defender had been appointed to Robert’s case.

Judge Patterson allowed the automobile evidence [Oh, just blood evidence, hair evidence, admission she was tortured in his car, other forensics, nothing important to a British journalist (I am beginning to believe the breed may not actually exist)] (without which the prosecution case would have crumbled) [Yes, prosecutions tend to crumble when you don't consider, you know, evidence] but ruled against the verbal statements. However, after further representation by prosecutors Bob Merkle and Jack Helinger, Judge McGarry reversed Patterson’s opinion and allowed everything to stand.

This was the first, but by no means the last, example of prosecution bullying [Bullying?  Does he mean doing his job?  We are talking about a man who ripped a woman's anus open with a bottle, and this thingy is whining about bullying?].  The trial transcript illustrates many instances of Merkle, in particular, hustling trial judge Robert E. Beach into accepting his view of how things should be conducted.

The trial was a big event in the St. Petersburg of 1980. According to reports the courtroom was packed. Judge Beach, whose background was in commercial law, had seen two decisions recently overturned by the Florida Supreme Court. The DA’s department was known for its aggressiveness. Bob “Mad Dog” Merkle was at the start of a career which took him to be Assistant US Attorney in Tampa and one-time Republican candidate for the US Senate before opting for lucrative private practice. He needed the victory he quickly gained  [Oh, no.  The prosecutor wanted to win the case, even though some British journalist with a fetish problem wanted him to lose it twenty years later!]. 

Among photographic “evidence” allowed as a backdrop to the trial were pictures of Ms Kammerer not as she was discovered in Tampa Bay but after she had been literally scalped during autopsy.  [So what?  Why the scare quotes around the word "evidence"?  This is what happened to Ms. Kammerer, no matter how much Waterhouse wishes to officially cleanse the record.  How sickeningly, sickeningly dishonest he is.] Jurors were illegally offered a handbook of advice on how to conduct themselves. So-called expert witnesses put on the stand by the county were not cross-examined in an adversarial manner. The defense brought only one witness compared with the prosecution’s 30 or so. The prosecution had delayed until the very last moment to disclose exculpatory witnesses to the defense, contravening Brady rights.

Robert was in fact never asked by his defense counsel to provide a list of witnesses. It wasn’t until the trial opened that the defendant realized that his own car would be identified as the crime scene, with Merkle borrowing from Shakespeare’s Macbeth to invoke blood and guilt [Confabulation, distortion, meaningless technicality, utterly meaningless observation, confabulation, and more lying.  Waterhouse was convicted on the evidence.  Too bad there isn't a minimum mandatory for recidivist dissembling].

Here is Robert Waterhouse’s last word on Robert Waterhouse. He calls the rapist-murderer “brave” and a courageous example to us all:

[M]y friendship with Robert, with his wife Frances and with other Death Row families — indeed my opportunity to meet briefly other inmates — is an extraordinary ongoing experience. To be one amongst perhaps 50 people at Saturday visiting time talking, laughing and eating, putting the bravest of faces on the worst of circumstances, is to know that human nature does indeed triumph in adversity.

Robert Waterhouse is surely the most, well, to put it as best as I can, icky advocate of Robert Waterhouse the rapist-killer, but there are others eager to empathize with the murderer, with any murderer.  Here is a deeply disturbing empathy spiel from a childhood friend who felt sorry for Waterhouse because people wouldn’t talk to him at a party after he raped and murdered a 77-year old woman:

Mr. Tyler remembers seeing Waterhouse at the Apple Tree, a Mattituck nightspot, after his 1975 parole. “A lot of the guys he used to hang out with were there, but no one would talk to him,” Mr. Tyler recalls. “No one could relate to him. What do you say to someone who has been in prison for 10 years? It was a very awkward situation. As much as I wanted to go up to him and say, ‘Hi, Bob, how are you doing,’ there wasn’t anything to say. Everyone must have had the same attitude, because no one else talked to him. He was standing there all alone like a lost soul, just looking over the crowd.”

Awww, poor baby.  What is the matter with these people?  What do you ask him, Mr Tyler?  So, Bob, how did it feel to torture and rape that sweet elderly woman to death?  Hey, want a beer?  How about: What the hell is that bastard doing out of prison?   The void where outrage should exist has been replaced with people more worried about hurting the feelings of a serial killer-rapist.  The sheer perversion of what has become of the old saw about “walking in another person’s shoes” would leave Atticus Finch vomiting in his coffin for eternity.  If he existed.

I think we should call crimes like Waterhouse’s precisely what they are: Lynching.  Robert Waterhouse’s murder of Ella Mae Carter became a lynching the moment he walked out of prison instead of spending the rest of his life there; his murder of  Deborah Kammerer was a lynching because our legal system chose to not protect her.  The people who excuse Waterhouse’s crimes and denounce his incarceration, particularly the other Robert Waterhouse, are no different from those who used to stand by the sidelines cheering on murderous Klansmen.  Using accurate language would clarify the mind as we grapple with the fact that there are thousand of Robert Waterhouses out there eluding justice because society doesn’t care enough to apply its own laws when politically irrelevant types of people are denied justice.  Call all such murders lynchings; call them all hate crimes, and then, once we’ve had a nice bracing emetic of ethical and intellectual consistency, we can start to have that real conversation about injustice everyone keeps nattering about.

And when we do that, the Robert Waterhouse journalists of the world can also be named what they truly deserve:  Apologists.  Propagandists.  Aroused houseboys for torturers.  And worse.  Because he clearly enjoys doing this sort of thing with rapist-murderers, enjoys it with enough appetite to deploy his profession to obliterate the memory of women who suffered and died.

Whining about the distasteful nature of a photograph of a tortured woman’s raw scalp.  What a man.

~~~

Most recently, the Catholic Bishops have taken it upon themselves to cruelly criticize Deborah Kammerer’s surviving family.  In the interest, in their case, of opposing the death penalty, the Bishops publicly accuse Kammerer’s loved ones of serious moral transgressions.  This behavior has got to stop.  I ask that practicing Catholics send a letter to the Catholic Bishops asking them to withdraw their statement and apologize to Ms. Kammerer’s relatives.  One need not oppose the Catholic teaching on the death penalty to call for an end to such scapegoating of victims’ families.  Below is my letter:

Dear Bishop _____,

I am writing to ask that you and the other signatories publicly withdraw your statement falsely accusing the families of Robert Waterhouse’s victims of harboring hatred.

In the media, you stated of them: “Anger destroys while forgiveness frees one to live again in peace, blotting out the desire for revenge.”

This is deeply offensive.  You do not claim to know these people, nor does it appear that you have counseled them — and had you done so, you would have no business speaking publicly about their feelings in any case.  Yet you pronounce in the most public forum that you do know what they are feeling, and then you presume to correct them in that public place.  You position alone does not grant you knowledge of, nor authority over, their hearts.

You must also know in your own hearts that press releases like this one are not written to heal.  If they were, you would hardly broadcast them in a newspaper.  You are engaging in anti-death penalty activism, and that is all.  Through the act of publishing these words, you are exploiting your positions as religious leaders and exploiting the act of counseling, not sincerely offering real comfort to possibly (possibly not) troubled souls.

Victims in high-profile cases are too frequently subjected to such pressures from Catholic authorities.  And while I personally know and know of individual religious who have offered the greatest comfort to crime victims, I also know of many shameful demonstrations of public excoriation and political misuse of other victims by Church representatives.  The murderer becomes the victim, and the victim becomes the enemy of the cause.

This sort of advocacy is deeply corrosive.  You are dragging innocent bystanders into your activism for their loved ones’ killers.  You are also choosing to make ethical scapegoats of people who are mere witnesses, both legally and morally, to the workings of our justice system.  Society sentenced Robert Waterhouse to death, not the victims’ families, and not a mob.  Elected officials alone can commute his sentence.  Your appeal to the victims is mere calculation, and it is cruel.

Please withdraw your statement, and apologize to these grieving people for your misuse of them, now and in the future.

~~~

To the other Robert Waterhouse, I have just this to say:

Zip up your pants and get a different hobby, pal.

 

 

 

Anarchy, Socialism, Freedom, and Running At Night

1 comment

Last night, around 8, I went running in my neighborhood.

I had my dog with me.  A cattle dog, well-trained, loping like a wolf, loving the weirdness of being outside after dark.  She’s a night girl like me.  I’d been feeling deeply awful for days — flu, bronchitis, but suddenly the softness of the Florida air, and the warmth of November on the West Coast, and the dark brightness of lights rippling off water stirred some reserve in me and I was off like my lungs hadn’t been hacking up fluids for days, running like a bullet.

If only I had been a bullet.

I hadn’t gone a mile before some s***head in a truck pulled up and asked if I wanted a ride.  What, me and my dog wanted a ride?  Jogging on a sidewalk, we wanted a ride?

I have a hard time explaining this to some people.  I don’t want to whine about men, or the state of the world, but it’s been years since I’ve felt safe enough to run before or after sunrise, which is the only time you can run outside much of the year where I live, and it’s been years since I’ve had a dog who could run at all, and I was being careful by going from house to house to house of people I knew, intentionally — from the folks who own the restaurant, to Yolanda’s, to Nancy’s, past the cop on the corner, to Conrad’s, to Bobby Nell’s, to James and Janelle’s, carefully so I felt some little sense that the night could belong to me and that I wasn’t taking anything that even resembled a risk, but there are crappy people everywhere, and often evidence of prostitution at the end of the road in the morning, and more than once a man pulled up by the waterfront down the street from my house in broad daylight even (how could it matter that much?), and then last night I was just feeling the night air and there he was: stupidity, threat, and unknown quantity pulling up out of the darkness.

So I leaned towards his rolled-down window and said to him in my calmest, most matter-of-fact voice:

“I’m going to cut you with broken glass.”

And he uttered objectionable sexist pejoratives and sped away.  Under the circumstances, what else would he, or I, do?

I’ve always wanted to think that men like that would pause for a moment and just apologize for ruining the black soft asphalt smell, and the exuberance of sensing the stingrays and sharks and dolphins and manatees hovering in the rimming black water, and the ospreys and owls and squirrels hovering in the palmettos — that he might apologize for ruining all that hovering and quivering presence, which is what is really extraordinary about Florida.

But life isn’t like that.  There just isn’t enough of Robert Herrick, seeing:

how amber through the streams
More gently strokes the sight
With some conceal’d delight

And so on.

Screw it.  I’m tired of being afraid.  Last night when I wrote this, this is the part where I expressed anger, and I took the section out, because as someone very wise once told me, someone who was nearly prosecuted for shooting a thug who was pistol-whipping him during an armed robbery as he tried to save his co-worker’s life . . . well, in the spirit of the comment itself I won’t say exactly what he said to me, but it’s true that one should never make a point of literally documenting one’s hand in writing.

Because I want to enjoy the soft beauty of the coastal Florida night.  And I don’t want to upset my dog or frighten the neighbors, nor the manatees, who subsist on nothing harsher than lettuce and young mangrove shoots.

Ecosystems ought to be preserved.  Women ought to be able to run at night.

I’ve had ecosystems on the mind lately, because so many people are trying to tear them down in the name of “rescuing” them.  I’ve been thinking about how ironic it is that the protestors, whether on college campuses or city parks, are all so extremely naive about the ways they are being used by professional protestors — capital-A Anarchists, in every sense of the word — who are hell-bent on tearing down everything around them.  They say they want to tear down “capitalism” but thanks to the Anarchists they’re really starting with attacking laws that are the only thing that stand between us and chaos.

They say they want “freedom of thought” and “freedom to go where they want,” but the very first thing the Occupy Anarchist puppet masters (as distinct from the ubiquitous Occupy puppeteers) did was silence and repress women by demanding that women do nothing about being raped at Occupy sites: thus the very first accomplishment of the Occupy movement has been to make it less possible for women to go where they want to go and experience the very freedom that is supposed to be the movement’s goal.

This is hardly accidental.  I spent enough time on the Left to realize that the world’s worst most sexist creeps gravitate to extreme Leftist politics, and I spent enough time researching social movements of the past to realize that this condition is central to all revolutionary activism, not some aberration merely concurrent with the rise of bell bottoms.

Socialist creeps in the 19th century demanded that women practice free love to demonstrate their commitment to the cause of spreading socialism, just as Bill Ayers demanded the same of some girlfriend in an apartment in the 1960′s to prove her commitment to racial equality.  19th century anarchists like Charles L. Govan insisted that families and familial relations must be destroyed in favor of mutual philandering, the only true freedom to Govan and one given the predictably creepy name of “Voluntary Cooperation.”

Govan (on the left), practicing Voluntary Cooperation at Home Colony in Pierce County, Washington?

Look back to the late 19th Century and what you find there is a bunch of Anarchists saying things about sex and marriage that wouldn’t be out of place in the infamous “campus sex codes” established by feminists today, while simultaneously insinuating themselves in the larger American socialist movement with the explicit aim of using socialism’s tools to tear down capitalism’s house, then socialism’s house, then their own houses just to be consistent, until everyone would just wander around having Voluntary Cooperation with each other while the cows milked themselves.

You know, like the Occupy protestors.

I realized a long time ago that the utopia imagined by Leftists would not be the type of place where I could go running in the moonlight, whereas places created by the types of people who don’t feel the compulsion to make up disturbingly bloodless titles for stuff like “sex” are the ones who can be trusted to create the types of places where women can walk alone when they feel like it.

Behind all the infantile posturing and useful idiocy about to be unleashed on the United States over the next several months is one very ugly truth: these people want to create a world that is very much worse than this one.  And despite the silliness of their visible facade, for the first time in my life I think the activists on the far Left are powerful enough to actually create real destruction.  They have the institutions, having insinuated themselves in NGOs and government bureaucracies and especially throughout academia.  They have the money, much of it from George Soros, which is why I think it’s so important to look at the ways he is trying to dismantle the American legal system by targeting policing, and courts, and elections.

The streets where I run used to be named after socialist heroes because the town I live in was founded as a socialist colony in 1911.  But those people harbored a very real and healthy suspicion of itinerant anarchists who had managed to destroy other small socialist collectives in other states.  So they survived, and evolved, through hard work, vigilance, religious faith, family values, and real voluntary cooperation, not the type that needs to be dictated to you by some bearded, wild-eyed ideologue.  That’s why I can even think about running at night here, now.

It’s a lesson we had all soon better revisit.

In a nutshell: cows don’t milk themselves.

Why No Action in the Murder of Bria Metz? Or, How to Derail Justice by Driving Up Costs

no comments

I heard from the father of Bria Metz yesterday: he said it’s been two years since Bria’s murderer, Aurelio Martinez, confessed to the crime.  Yet Martinez still hasn’t been to trial or been sentenced.

Bria Metz, murdered at 17, her body was abandoned by the side of a highway

Aurelio Martinez, sex offender and child abuser, confessed to killing Bria

The state of Florida also hasn’t gotten around to resolving Martinez’ 2003 felony child abuse and aggravated assault with a deadly weapon charges.  Apparently, the authorities are too busy doing other things.

Here is my previous post on the disgraceful record of Florida’s serial failure to keep the public safe from Aurelio Martinez.

So why does it take years to try a case in which the murderer confessed?  The answer lies in the machinations of the defense bar, and the perverse, outsized power they wield over criminal procedure and admission of evidence in our courts.  I don’t use the term perverse lightly — while the Florida Bar grandstands around the state pretending to examine problems of evidence that are either exceedingly isolated incidents or trumped-up claims by professional activists using fake statistics and faked “studies,” real problems that result in real denials of justice fester, unresolved — for many thousands of victims who will never receive justice as a result.

It would be nice if the Bar cared about that.  They don’t.

Here is a record of the docket entries in one of Martinez’ current charges.  Some entries are routine paperwork.  Others represent the types of manipulation that defund the courts.  Remember that most docket entries equal your money being spent in some way, large or small — and 155 docket entries into this murder case, there still hasn’t been a trial, just machinations and delays.

Martinez is also churning attorneys — another behavior designed to postpone trial, and a strategy frequently abetted by the defense attorneys themselves.  Must be nice to have that sort of power over other people’s money — and the administration of justice.

Imagine that you are the parent of a murdered child, forced to witness this drawn-out manipulation of procedural rules.  Bria’s family will likely be enduring this sickening game for the rest of their lives.  In the eyes of our legal system, Aurelio Martinez is the victim now:

Pinellas Case Uniform Case Entitlement Date Filed
CRC0912955CFANO 522009CF012955XXXXNO STATE VS MARTINEZ, 06/23/2009
Type Apr Cal Final Disposition Comp Division
01/30/2012 TRL M
Reset Original Sort Docket Date Docket Entry Defendant
1 11/01/2011 REMOVE FROM: MTN/HRG) A
2 11/01/2011 REMOVE FROM: MTN 110311/0830 AM -M-(REMOVE FROM A
3 10/17/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
4 10/12/2011 NOTICE OF TRIAL – 013012 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
5 10/11/2011 REMOVE FROM: TRL 110711/0830 AM -M- A
6 10/11/2011 TRIAL SET: 013012/0830 AM -M- BRING A
7 10/11/2011 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE TRIAL A
8 10/07/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
9 10/04/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
10 10/04/2011 NOTICE OF HEARING – 110311 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
11 10/03/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
12 10/03/2011 NOTICE OF HEARING: 101111/0830 AM – MTN TO CONTINUE A
13 10/03/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
14 09/30/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED (2) A
15 09/28/2011 MOTION: TO CONTINUE TRIAL (2ND) A
16 09/27/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
17 09/27/2011 SUBPOENA (028) STATE A
18 09/26/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
19 09/23/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
20 09/22/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
21 09/21/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
22 09/19/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED (3) A
23 09/01/2011 ACK OF ADDL TANGIBLE EVIDENCE A
24 08/31/2011 NOTICE OF TAKING DEPOSITION (2) A
25 08/19/2011 ACK OF ADDL TANGIBLE EVIDENCE A
26 06/24/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
27 06/20/2011 NOTICE OF TRIAL – 110711 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
28 06/17/2011 REMOVE FROM: TRL 082911/0830 AM -M- A
29 06/17/2011 TRIAL SET: 110711/0830 AM -M- A
30 06/17/2011 MOTION WITHDRAWN D/MTN TO COMPEL A
31 06/17/2011 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE TRIAL A
32 06/09/2011 MTN/COMPEL MORE ADEQUATE DISCOVERY A
33 06/09/2011 NOTICE OF HEARING: 061711/0830 AM – MTN/CONTINUE TRIAL & A
34 06/09/2011 MOTION: TO CONTINUE TRIAL A
35 04/28/2011 ATTORNEY APPOINTED: SIMONE LENNON A
36 04/28/2011 REGIONAL COUNSEL WITHDRAWN A
37 04/28/2011 TO CONFLICT (FORSETT HEARING) A
38 04/28/2011 ORDER GRANTING: D/MOTION TO WITHDRAW AS COUNSEL DUE A
39 04/18/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
40 04/13/2011 NOTICE OF TRIAL – 082911 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
41 04/12/2011 TRIAL SET: 082911/0830 AM -M- A
42 03/07/2011 NOTICE OF: CANCELLATION OF DEPOSITION 040811 A
43 03/07/2011 NOTICE OF TAKING DEPOSITION A
44 03/02/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
45 02/28/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
46 02/23/2011 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 041211 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
47 02/22/2011 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 041211/0830 AM -M- A
48 02/22/2011 ORDER DENYING: PROSE/MTN TO DISMISS COUNSEL A
49 02/14/2011 ADDITIONAL LIST OF WITNESSES A
50 02/10/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
51 02/08/2011 NOTICE OF TAKING DEPOSITION A
52 02/07/2011 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 022211 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
53 02/04/2011 REMOVE FROM: TRL 022211/0830 AM -M- A
54 02/04/2011 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 022211/0830 AM -M- A
55 02/04/2011 COUNSEL A
56 02/04/2011 HEARING SET: 022211/0830 AM -M- MTN TO DISMISS A
57 02/04/2011 AT 8:30 A
58 02/04/2011 REMOVE FROM MOTION CALENDAR 2/17/11 A
59 02/04/2011 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE TRIAL A
60 02/01/2011 DEFT’S. MOTION: FOR CONTINUANCE OF TRIAL A
61 02/01/2011 HEARING SET: 020411/0830 AM -M- MTN TO CONTINUE A
62 01/28/2011 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
63 01/25/2011 NOTICE OF HEARING – 021711 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
64 01/19/2011 PRO SE MOTION: TO DISMISS COUNSEL A
65 01/18/2011 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED (2) A
66 01/13/2011 SUBPOENA (028) STATE A
67 01/04/2011 NOTICE OF TAKING DEPOSITION A
68 12/13/2010 ADDITIONAL LIST OF WITNESSES A
69 12/09/2010 ADDITIONAL LIST OF WITNESSES A
70 11/23/2010 LETTER – COURT TO DEFT ACKNOWLEDGING RECEIPT OF LETTER A
71 11/23/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO COURT: RE: COMPLAINT CONCERNING ATTORNEY A
72 10/22/2010 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED (3) A
73 10/20/2010 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED (3) A
74 10/18/2010 WITNESS SUBPOENA RETURNED A
75 10/13/2010 NOTICE OF TAKING DEPOSITION A
76 10/12/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO CLK: REQT TO DISMISS COUNSEL A
77 10/08/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
78 10/04/2010 NOTICE OF TRIAL – 022211 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
79 10/01/2010 TRIAL SET: 022211/0830 AM -M- A
80 09/16/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO CLK: COMPLAINT AGAINST ATTORNEY A
81 09/16/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO COURT: REPRESENTATION A
82 09/02/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
83 08/30/2010 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 100110 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
84 08/27/2010 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 100110/0830 AM -M- A
85 08/13/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO CLK: COMPLAINT CONCERNING ATTORNEY A
86 08/03/2010 LETTER-DEFT TO CLK: RE: ATTORNEY A
87 06/23/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
88 06/21/2010 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 082710 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
89 06/18/2010 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 082710/0830 AM -M- A
90 06/18/2010 WAIVED RIGHT TO SPEEDY TRIAL (REAFFIRMED) A
91 06/18/2010 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE A
92 05/05/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
93 04/30/2010 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 061810 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
94 04/29/2010 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 061810/0830 AM -M- A
95 04/29/2010 WAIVED RIGHT TO SPEEDY TRIAL (REAFFIRMED) A
96 04/29/2010 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE A
97 02/23/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
98 02/19/2010 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 042910 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
99 02/18/2010 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 042910/0830 AM -M- BRING A
100 02/18/2010 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE A
Reset Original Sort Docket Date Docket Entry Defendant
1 02/11/2010 REGIONAL COUNSEL APPOINTED A
2 02/11/2010 ORDER WITHDRAW PD DUE TO CONFLICT A
3 02/11/2010 ORDER GRANTING: PD/MTN TO WITHDRAW AS COUNSEL A
4 02/03/2010 NOTICE OF HEARING: 021110/0830 AM A
5 02/03/2010 MOTION TO WITHDRAW PUBLIC DEFENDER & A
6 01/21/2010 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
7 01/20/2010 ACK OF ADDL TANGIBLE EVIDENCE A
8 01/15/2010 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 021810 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
9 01/14/2010 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 021810/0830 AM -M- BRING A
10 11/23/2009 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
11 11/20/2009 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 011410 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
12 11/19/2009 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 011410/0830 AM -M- BRING A
13 11/19/2009 WAIVED RIGHT TO SPEEDY TRIAL (REAFFIRMED) A
14 11/19/2009 ORDER GRANTING: D/MTN TO CONTINUE A
15 10/12/2009 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
16 10/09/2009 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 111909 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
17 10/08/2009 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 111909/0830 AM -M- BRING A
18 10/08/2009 WAIVED RIGHT TO SPEEDY TRIAL A
19 09/09/2009 ACK OF ADDL TANGIBLE EVIDENCE A
20 08/14/2009 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
21 08/10/2009 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 100809 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
22 08/07/2009 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 100809/0830 AM -M- A
23 08/07/2009 WAIVED RIGHT TO SPEEDY TRIAL A
24 08/04/2009 ADDITIONAL LIST OF WITNESSES A
25 07/31/2009 DEMAND NOTICE INTENTION TO CLAIM ALIBI A
26 07/31/2009 ANSWER TO DEMAND FOR DISCOVERY A
27 07/22/2009 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
28 07/20/2009 NOTICE OF PRE-TRIAL – 080709 COURTROOM: M AT 08:30 A
29 07/17/2009 PRE-TRIAL HRG SET: 080709/0830 AM -M- A
30 07/10/2009 NOTICE OF DEFT QUALIFICATIONS AS A PRR – SERVED A
31 07/10/2009 NOTICE OF ENHANCED PENALTY RET’D SERVED A
32 07/08/2009 CASE REASSIGNED FROM DIV T TO DIV M BY COURT ADMIN 4180 A
33 07/06/2009 DEFT INVOCATION CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS A
34 07/01/2009 NOTICE RETURNED SERVED A
35 06/30/2009 DETERMINATION OF STATUS – INDIGENT A
36 06/30/2009 AFFIDAVIT OF INDIGENT STATUS A
37 06/29/2009 NOTICE OF ARRAIGNMENT – 071709 COURTROOM: M AT 09:00 A
38 06/26/2009 NOTICE OF DEFT QUALIFICATIONS AS A PRR A
39 06/26/2009 NOTICE OF ENHANCED PENALTY A
40 06/23/2009 WRITTEN PLEA NOT GUILTY-PUBLIC DEFENDER A
41 06/23/2009 DEMAND FOR DISCOVERY A
42 06/23/2009 PC FOUND IN POLK COUNTY A
43 06/23/2009 INDIGENT CRIMINAL DEFENSE FEE ASSESSED $ 50 A
44 06/23/2009 PUBLIC DEFENDER APPOINTED (INSOLVENCY) – PROVISIONAL A
45 06/17/2009 CASE TO BE TRANSFERRED TO PINELLAS COUNTY A
46 06/17/2009 MEMO OF SENTENCE/ORDER OF COURT (POLK CTY) A
47 06/17/2009 DEFENDANTS ELECTION OF VENUE A
48 06/03/2009 NOTICE OF HEARING RE ELECTION OF VENUE (POLK CTY) A
49 06/01/2009 DEFENDANTS ELECTION OF VENUE (POLK CTY) A
50 06/01/2009 ORDER FOLLOWING 1ST APPEARANCE (POLK CTY) A
51 06/01/2009 POLK COUNTY ARREST WARRANT A
52 05/27/2009 INFORMATION FILED: (1CT) MURDER IN THE SECOND DEGREE (PBL) A
53 05/12/2009 PINELLAS CTY ARREST AFFIDAVIT A
54 05/07/2009 ARREST WARRANT (POLK CTY) A
55 05/07/2009 COMPLAINT – COMPLAINT AFFIDAVIT SECOND DEG (POLK CTY) A